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MY PHOTO JOURNEY RPS Sophistication (Mastery)

A clash of values…

Someone in a street photography forum asked an RPS judge, why it is that street photographs do not do so well in club competitions? They suggested that most judges don’t understand street photography. Why might this discrepancy exist IF it does?

The gap may exist, but it is best seen as a clash between two value systems rather than proof that judges “do not understand” street photography.

Club judging often rewards images that demonstrate their merit at once: clear subject, strong design, sharp craft, tidy edges, tonal control, and an evident point of interest. PAGB guidance says judges should judge whether a picture is “good of its type” and avoid mere personal taste, but club practice can still pull toward visible technique and quick impact because judges must assess many images in a short time.

RPS distinction guidance also values clarity of intent, imagination, mood, message, empathy with subject, and coherent presentation, so the formal criteria need not exclude street photography.

The problem then may lie less in the stated criteria than in how judges apply them under club conditions.

Street photography often works through a less clean set of virtues. It may prize ambiguity, social tension, odd timing, visual irony, chance, gesture, and the unsettled feel of public life. The RPS describes street photography as recording daily life in public places, often through candid pictures of strangers. That kind of image may not present itself as polished in the way that a landscape, wildlife portrait, studio image, or composite often does. A slight awkwardness, a blocked face, a harsh crop, or a strange juxtaposition may be central to the picture rather than a flaw.

There is also a difference between “reading” and “scoring”. Many street photographs ask the viewer to infer social meaning: class, labour, gender, surveillance, public role, self-presentation, boredom, threat, or absurdity. A judge looking for immediate visual order may miss this kind of significance. Street photography can also be ‘morally’ uncomfortable. It often shows people caught in public roles rather than idealised as subjects. That can make judges uneasy, especially where club culture favours ‘beauty’, skill, and uplifting fine-art.

The best street work often has both form and content. Magnum’s account of street photography stresses the “decisive moment”, when form and content align. But weaker street images can try to hide behind the genre. A random public scene is not strong just because it is candid. Judges may have seen many such pictures and grown wary of claims that poor composition or mundane content is really “edgy”, “authentic”, or “documentary”.

So the discrepancy, if real, may come from four causes: club judges may apply criteria shaped by more pictorial genres; street photographers may under-explain the intent of subtle work; competitions may reward instant effect over slow reading; and some street photographs may in fact be thin, even when the photographer values the experience of taking them. The fair test is not whether judges “like” street photography, but whether they can name what the image is trying to do and then judge it by standards fit for that purpose.

References

Photographic Alliance of Great Britain. (2018). Briefing notes for judges. PAGB.

Royal Photographic Society. (2024). Licentiate criteria and guidance. RPS.

Royal Photographic Society. (n.d.). Street photography. RPS London.

Wates, R. (2013). How to reduce judges’ criticisms. PAGB News.

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Journalling - Reflective Practice MY PHOTO JOURNEY Sophistication (Mastery)

Whither authority?

This image is strongest when read not as a photograph of one woman in a crowd, but as a study of symbolic authority after its practical force has weakened. The woman’s sign and hi-viz jacket mark her as someone with an official role. They signal visibility, safety, and authorised recording. Yet she stands within a crowd in which many people are already doing the same thing. This creates the image’s main tension: the official sign warns of filming, but the event has long since become a field of mass recording.

Photographically, the image uses compression and density to make this point. The frame is packed with heads, arms, phones, faces, and fragments of bodies. There is no clean gap between observer and observed. Everyone seems folded into the same visual system. The raised phones form a pattern of shared conduct, while the sign interrupts that pattern as both message and irony. It declares “filming taking place”, but the photograph shows filming taking place everywhere. The warning has become less a useful act of notice than a ritual sign of institutional compliance.

This is where the sociological reading becomes important. Goffman’s work on the presentation of self helps explain the woman’s role. In public life, people wear signs, uniforms, badges, and other markers to define the situation and make their role legible to others (Goffman, 1959). The hi-viz jacket and sign tell the crowd: “I am not merely another person with a phone. I am here in an authorised capacity.” Yet the crowd weakens that claim because the same act – filming – has become common, casual, and dispersed. Her authority depends on difference, but the photograph shows sameness.

Bourdieu’s idea of symbolic capital also helps. The sign and jacket carry institutional capital: they suggest permission, legitimacy, and perhaps responsibility (Bourdieu, 1984). The woman’s visual markers try to convert ordinary recording into authorised documentation. But this capital has unstable value in a culture where every spectator can record, upload, and circulate images. The difference between official and unofficial seeing no longer sits in the device. It sits in the claim made around the device.

Psychologically, the image speaks to role performance and social norms. A hi-viz jacket changes how a person is seen and may also change how that person acts. It can authorise confidence, create a sense of duty, and reduce the social unease of raising a camera in a crowded public setting. At the same time, the crowd’s conduct shapes what feels normal. Asch’s work on conformity showed how group behaviour can pull people towards shared forms of action, even when each person feels they are acting alone (Asch, 1956). Here, filming appears less like a set of private choices and more like a crowd norm. To take part is to record.

Sontag’s account of photography as a way of certifying experience remains useful. The people are not only watching May Morning; they are making proof that they were there (Sontag, 1977). The woman’s sign, then, has a double meaning. It warns the crowd that they may be filmed, while she herself joins a crowd that is already turning the event into images. This gives the photograph a dry social humour. It shows how the old distinction between camera operator and spectator has broken down.

The image’s main risk is visual excess. It is busy, and the viewer must work to sort its elements. Yet that busyness is part of its force. The photograph captures a world in which public ritual, self-documentation, institutional caution, and mass phone use converge. Its critique lies in this paradox: the woman tries to mark filming as a special act, but the crowd shows that filming has become an ordinary way of being present.

References

Asch, S. E. (1956). Studies of independence and conformity: A minority of one against a unanimous majority. Psychological Monographs: General and Applied, 70(9), 1–70. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0093718

Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste (R. Nice, Trans.). Harvard University Press.

Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. Doubleday.

Sontag, S. (1977). On photography. Farrar, Straus and Giroux.