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MY THERAPY JOURNEY PURE BLOG

The nature of the Self, and the widening role of Congruence in the Person-Centred Approach of Carl Rogers

The nature of the Self

In Rogers’ theory, the Self plays a central role in how congruence and incongruence develop. Understanding this concept helps explain both psychological distress and therapeutic change.

Carl Rogers uses the term Self to describe the set of perceptions a person holds about who they are. This includes views about personal traits, roles, values, abilities, and limits. The Self is not fixed as it develops through experience, especially through relationships with significant others. Over time, it becomes a reference point against which we judge new experiences.

Rogers distinguishes between experience and the Self. Experience refers to what a person feels, senses, and lives in the moment. The Self refers to what the person sees as “me” or “mine”. Problems arise when these two don’t match. If a feeling or impulse does not fit the Self, the person may use defence mechanisms to block it from their awareness completely or reshape it to protect their self-image. Whichever, this process creates incongruence.

For example, a person who sees themselves as calm and reasonable may find themselves in a situation where they feel intense anger. If this anger feels unacceptable, they may deny or try to re-label it; “I’m not angry, I am just frustrated/sad/surprised.” The experience still exists, but the Self won’t allow it in. Over time, repeated mismatches of this kind increase tension and anxiety. The person becomes less open to experience and more reliant on their defences. They are being ‘incongruent’.

Congruence develops when the Self becomes more open and flexible. The person can accept the things that they are experiencing (especially emotions and feelings) without distortion. This does not mean acting on every feeling but it does mean recognising their feelings accurately and integrating them into a more realistic sense of Self. As congruence increases, the Self becomes less rigid and more responsive to lived experience.

Rogers links this process to conditions of worth. When we believe that to be accepted by others depends on behaving in certain ways, in other words it is conditional, then the Self narrows (ie becomes less flexible) to try to protect the sense of approval.

On the other hand, when acceptance is experienced as being unconditional, the Self can expand and adapt. Therapy aims to recreate this climate so that the Self can reorganise in line with experience rather than against it.

The initial incongruence of the client

Carl Rogers used the term congruence in different ways across his writing, and these differences reflect a clear development in his thinking between 1951 and 1961.

In Client-Centred Therapy (1951), Rogers uses congruence mainly in relation to the client. He describes incongruence as a gap between lived experience and self-concept. A person may feel or act in ways that do not fit how they see themselves. To protect the self-concept, these experiences may be denied or distorted. Psychological distress develops from this lack of fit. In this early work, congruence implies internal alignment. Therapy aims to help the client become more aware of experience and revise the self-concept so that the two match more closely.

In this 1951 account, the therapist’s congruence plays a limited role. Rogers refers to genuineness, but the therapist remains largely in the background. The therapist provides conditions that allow change, rather than entering the relationship as a fully present person. Congruence is treated mainly as a client outcome rather than a therapist stance.

One later meaning – congruence as genuineness and authenticity

By On Becoming a Person (1961), Rogers’ focus has shifted. Congruence now firstly refers to the therapist’s way of being in the relationship. The therapist is no longer a neutral facilitator. Instead, the therapist’s presence becomes central to the process. Congruence means that the therapist is aware of their own feelings and does not present a false professional front. What the client encounters is a real person, not a role.

This doesn’t mean full self-disclosure. It means that what the therapist expresses is genuine and not defensive. Rogers places emphasis on moment-to-moment awareness and openness. In this sense, congruence becomes an ongoing process rather than an internal state. However, we can see that it begins to apply to both therapist and client.

The second later meaning – congruence as an essential quality of the therapeutic relationship

Rogers also makes clearer in 1961 that congruence cannot operate alone. It must exist alongside empathy and unconditional positive regard. Therapist ‘realness’ without care can feel intrusive. Care without self-awareness can feel strained. The three conditions depend on each other. Congruence supports empathy by helping the therapist remain in contact with their own inner state. It supports unconditional positive regard by grounding respect for the client in self-acceptance.

This second perspective extends congruence beyond the session – beyond the process. Rogers is implying that the therapist’s personal life and professional role need to be aligned. If there is a strong split between the therapist’s values and actions, then a tension will enter the work. Defensive habits will increase and the therapeutic contact between the two people will weaken. Congruence for the therapist therefore involves ongoing self-reflection and personal development, not just clinical skill (Rogers, 1961; Mearns & Thorne, 2013).

Later focus on the congruence of the therapist

In the 1951 position, congruence functions mainly as a client outcome. The client moves from incongruence towards greater alignment between experience, awareness, and self-concept. The therapist supports this process but does not stand under the same demand. The therapist provides conditions rather than undergoing the same task.

By 1961, Rogers is no longer treating the therapist as exempt from the process he describes. When he writes of the therapist being real, open, and without a false front, he is applying the same principle of congruence to the therapist that he earlier applied to the client. There are differences in role and responsibility, but not in the need for personal development.

Rogers is implying that the therapist’s effectiveness depends in part on the same movement the client is asked to make – towards awareness, acceptance, and integration of experience.

Of course, the therapist does not work through personal conflict in the client’s session. The direction of travel is the same, but it is not unreasonable to expect the therapist to be some way further along the journey. Both are engaged in the task of reducing internal splits so that experience can be met more directly.

This explains why later person-centred writers place such emphasis on the therapist’s ongoing personal development. Congruence is not treated as a qualification that one attains. It is treated as a continuing process. The therapist’s personal work supports their professional presence in the same way that the client’s growing congruence supports psychological health.

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MY TEACHING JOURNEY PURE BLOG

The Mobile Phone ban in schools and colleges

The UK Government announced today that it was banning the use of MOBILE phones in schools in England (Schools in England should be phone-free all day, education secretary says | Schools | The Guardian). The decision has had mixed responses.

Those in favour see phones as a distraction, a source of ‘cheating’, and an unsafe medium being brought into a place that should be safe.

Those against it, say that smartphones are a useful tool in teaching – used for in-class research, to engage students through polling apps and collaborative tools. In the absence of a smartphone, many students will need to bring more expensive laptops to school or borrow them on-site.

For the last three years, I’ve been running therapeutic photography sessions through a local FE college. Yes, my students were all adults, but several of them have had no other camera than the one in their smartphone. They would not be able to use them in the future.

The point that many opponents to this policy make is that the ‘issue’ is not with the young people’s use of the technology. It is that ADULTS create the stuff that distract them, whether it is algorithms and entertainments intended to promote their scrolling behaviour, or worse. Instead of regulating the makers and developers, we are potentially penalising the next generation.

Yes, there’s some evidence that suggests that the technology assisted learning can diminish some aspects of cognition. But there’s evidence the other way too.

To me, one of the signs that the policy makers have not done a good enough job in preparing the new rules, is their use of the term, ‘mobile phone’.

The shift from mobile phone to smartphone did not happen at a fixed point. It unfolded across the late 1990s and 2000s, with the new term settling into common use by the early 2010s.

In the 1990s, a mobile phone was a device that made voice calls, with text as an add-on. Early hybrids blurred the line a little, with Nokia’s Communicator range in 1996 offering email and basic web access, yet people still called it a mobile phone. The word smartphone existed, but few outside trade press used it, and its meaning lacked a firm definition.

The term gained ground in the early 2000s as devices fused phone, organiser, and internet tools. BlackBerry popularised push email for work users, while Symbian devices from Nokia added apps and web browsing. At this stage, the term smartphone helped make the contrast clearer. It represented a phone that did more than call and text, rather than naming the default object itself (Agar, 2013).

A decisive shift came after 2007 with the iPhone and, soon after, Android devices. These phones had touch screens, app stores, and constant data use. By around 2010, UK media, retailers, and network firms used smartphone as a standard category. Ofcom reports from this period show smartphone adoption rising fast, while mobile phone began to sound vague or dated (Ofcom, 2011).

The ngram shows this shift in the terminology.

By the middle of 2010, the linguistic balance flipped. A mobile phone now implied a basic handset, while smartphone named the device most adults owned. In everyday speech, people then shortened this again to phone, since the “smart” features no longer felt special. This pattern fits a common path in language. A marked term names novelty, spreads with the thing itself, then fades once the feature becomes assumed (McCulloch, 2019).

What you don’t do, however, is go back to the legacy term. That the Department for Education have done so is simply a sign that they haven’t paid enough attention to the detail. And, if they haven’t to this basic fact, then what about the essence of the rules? Instead of regulating the makers and developers, they are penalising the next generation.

References

Agar, J. (2013). Constant touch: A global history of the mobile phone. Icon Books.

McCulloch, G. (2019). Because Internet: Understanding the new rules of language. Riverhead Books.

Ofcom. (2011). The communications market report. Ofcom.

Oxford English Dictionary. (n.d.). Smartphone.