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Miscellaneous MY THERAPY JOURNEY PURE BLOG

On shame, shaming and the judgement of others

A recent exchange on WhatsApp has made me think about the nature of shame. I had politely asked someone to move an extended discussion from a general community group into a group created for that topic. A third person accused me of “naming and shaming” them.

My first response was one of some puzzlement. Can I, in fact, shame another person? I had tended to think of shame as something that happens within us. In broadly psychodynamic terms, I might experience shame when something I have done, thought or revealed comes into conflict with my internal sense of how I ought to be. In older psychoanalytic language, I might think of this as the ego finding itself judged by the superego.

That view is not wrong, but these days it seems incomplete.

Freud gives the superego a key role in self-judgement, although his account deals more with guilt than with shame (Freud, 1930/1961). The distinction matters. Guilt tends to concern what I have done: I have behaved badly and may need to put something right. Shame reaches further into my sense of self: I am foolish, inadequate, unacceptable, or somehow less worthy in the eyes of others. Research on self-conscious emotions has supported this distinction (Tangney et al., 2007).

I cannot feel shame without some standard against which I judge myself. Many of those standards began outside me. Parents, teachers, peers, partners, institutions and cultures all help shape what I come to regard as acceptable. What later feels like an internal voice has a social history. The superego, if I retain that language, is not a private moral machine that appeared from nowhere. It carries traces of relationships and social rules.

There is also something distinctive about being seen. Shame seems to contain an imagined pair of eyes. I become conscious not only of what I have done but of how I appear to someone else. Sometimes that other person need not even be present. I can recall an event years later and feel shame because I can still imagine how I must have looked. Tracy and Robins (2004) place this form of self-evaluation at the heart of self-conscious emotions, while Scheff (2000) links shame closely to threats to social bonds and social standing.

This leads me to distinguish between shame and shaming.

Another person can certainly perform an act that might reasonably be called shaming. They can expose me, mock me, draw public attention to my failure, invite others to condemn me, or portray a minor breach as evidence of some defect in my character. Yet they cannot determine whether I experience shame. I might instead feel angry, amused, confused or indifferent. I might reject the standard by which they are judging me.

The reverse is also true. I can feel deeply ashamed when nobody intended to shame me. Someone may make a mild comment which touches an existing vulnerability. They may not even know that they have done so. In that case, the intensity of my shame tells us at least as much about my inner world as it does about their behaviour.

This makes the phrase “you shamed me” more complex than it first appears. It may mean “your behaviour was designed to humiliate me”. But it can also mean “I experienced shame in response to what you did”. Those are not the same claim.

The WhatsApp exchange illustrates the problem well. Asking someone in a public group to move a discussion elsewhere does expose the correction to an audience. That makes embarrassment possible. It may even evoke shame. But the mere fact that an intervention takes place in public does not seem enough to define it as shaming. Much depends on what is being communicated.

There seems to me to be a major difference between saying, “Could you move this discussion to the group set up for it?” and saying, “You are once again showing no regard for everybody else.” The first identifies an action and asks for it to change. The second moves towards a judgement of the person. One concerns conduct; the other risks turning conduct into character.

This distinction also fits the research on guilt and shame. Guilt leaves room for repair: I did something that I might do differently next time. Shame can make the whole self the object of judgement: this behaviour reveals what sort of person I am (Tangney et al., 2007). It is easy to see why the latter can provoke withdrawal, anger or counterattack rather than reflection.

I am therefore modifying, rather than abandoning, my original view. I still do not think one person can simply inflict shame upon another in the way that one might inflict an injury. The final psychological event occurs within the person who feels ashamed. It depends upon their own standards, history, sense of self and interpretation of what has happened.

Yet I had underestimated the interpersonal part of the process. Other people can provide the audience, the judgement and the threat to social standing that make shame possible. They can also act with the intention of producing shame. A group can do this collectively. Cultures can build whole systems around it.

Perhaps the most useful distinction for me is therefore between three things: an act that may be shaming, another person’s interpretation of that act, and the feeling of shame that may follow. These overlap, but they are not identical.

That distinction also guards against an awkward circular argument. If feeling ashamed were enough to prove that somebody else had shamed me, my emotional response would settle the moral question about their conduct. Yet the same public request might leave one person mildly embarrassed, another furious, another grateful for the reminder, and another untouched. My feeling deserves attention, but it cannot by itself tell me what another person intended or whether their conduct was unreasonable.

Perhaps this is where my original psychodynamic intuition still has value. When I feel shamed, one useful question is not only, “What has this person done to me?” but also, “What judgement about myself has their action awakened?” That does not excuse cruelty or public humiliation. It simply recognises that shame takes form at the meeting point between the social world and the internal one.

References

Freud, S. (1961). Civilization and its discontents (J. Strachey, Trans.). W. W. Norton. (Original work published 1930).

Scheff, T. J. (2000). Shame and the social bond: A sociological theory. Sociological Theory, 18(1), 84–99. https://doi.org/10.1111/0735-2751.00089

Tangney, J. P., Stuewig, J., & Mashek, D. J. (2007). Moral emotions and moral behavior. Annual Review of Psychology, 58, 345–372. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.56.091103.070145

Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2004). Putting the self into self-conscious emotions: A theoretical model. Psychological Inquiry, 15(2), 103–125. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1502_01

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Miscellaneous MY TEACHING JOURNEY PURE BLOG

In praise of scholarship

Scholarship rarely looks dramatic. It unfolds in archives, laboratories, field sites, and long nights of analysis. It demands patience, doubt, and the courage to follow evidence even when it leads into conflict with custom, profit, or political comfort. The scholar’s tools are not force or spectacle, but measurement, reason, and sustained attention. Yet this quiet labour has extended life expectancy, reduced hunger, made cities safer, and exposed harms once treated as normal. Civilisation rests less on moments of conquest than on accumulated understanding, tested and shared across generations.

Public culture often treats heroism as proof of patriotism, as though love of country must show itself through a uniform, a flag, or battlefield sacrifices. That view is easy to get behind, but it narrows what service can mean. Many of the people on the list that follows acted from loyalty to human life rather than loyalty to a party or nation. They faced ridicule, blocked careers, funding loss, legal threats, and public attack. Some damaged their health. Some died young. Yet their work reduced famine, disease, industrial disaster, and environmental harm across borders, for humanity – not just for one country. Their research did not defend a single territory. It defended children from infection, workers from poison, cities from collapse, and future generations from preventable risk.

If patriotism means wanting one’s own country to flourish, then clean air, safe medicine, reliable infrastructure, and honest science serve that aim better than flags and slogans. Better still, they benefit all, not simply those who happen to have the same passport.

Mature patriotism honours those who protect life, even when they challenge power at home.

Scholars and researchers – achievement, personal cost, and long-term social impact (sorted by family name)
Name Date of birth Date of death Description of achievement Description of personal price paid Long-term social impact
Alice Ball 24 July 1892 31 December 1916 Created first effective leprosy therapy. Early death and stolen credit. Standard treatment for decades, restoring thousands of lives.
Rachel Carson 27 May 1907 14 April 1964 Revealed pesticide damage to health and ecosystems. Smear campaigns and public attacks while terminally ill. Launched environmental regulation and modern conservation movements.
Ronald Fisher 17 February 1890 29 July 1962 At Rothamsted, developed core principles of experimental design (randomisation, replication, blocking) and analysis of variance for field trials. Faced sustained professional conflict and reputational damage linked to bitter methodological disputes and his later public advocacy of eugenics. His design framework underpins modern randomised trials and reliable inference across medicine, psychology, agriculture, and industry.
Rosalind Franklin 25 July 1920 16 April 1958 Produced crucial DNA X-ray evidence. Marginalised and denied credit; likely harmed by radiation exposure. Enabled modern genetics, cancer research, and biotechnology worldwide.
Joseph Goldberger 16 July 1874 17 January 1929 Proved pellagra came from malnutrition. Political hostility and blocked reforms. Nutritional policy prevented mass poverty-related deaths.
Stephen Hawking 8 January 1942 14 March 2018 Advanced black hole physics and cosmology, reshaping modern theoretical physics. Lived most of his adult life with motor neurone disease and severe physical disability. Expanded public understanding of cosmology and strengthened global science education and inspiration.
Alice Hamilton 27 February 1869 22 September 1970 Exposed workplace poisoning hazards. Industry harassment and academic exclusion. Modern occupational health laws stem from her work.
James Hansen 26 March 1941 Living Issued early public warnings on global warming. Political pressure and public attacks. Core scientific basis for climate policy and emissions law.
Dorothy Hodgkin 12 May 1910 29 July 1994 Solved the structures of insulin, penicillin, and vitamin B12 using X-ray crystallography. Worked through severe rheumatoid arthritis and limited institutional support. Enabled modern drug design and large-scale insulin production, saving many lives.
Jane Jacobs 4 May 1916 25 April 2006 Human-centred city design theory. Harassment and forced relocation. Safer, walkable urban planning adopted globally.
Katalin Karikó 17 January 1955 Living Developed mRNA technology. Demotion and long-term funding rejection. Enabled rapid Covid-19 vaccines and future cancer treatments.
Frances Kelsey 24 July 1914 7 August 2015 Blocked thalidomide approval in the US. Corporate pressure and stalled career. Strengthened global drug testing standards protecting future generations.
Trevor Kletz 28 October 1922 28 October 2013 Developed industrial hazard prevention systems. Sidelined by industry leaders. Prevented countless chemical and refinery disasters.
Elizabeth Kübler-Ross 8 July 1926 24 August 2004 Transformed end-of-life care by studying how people experience dying and grief. Ridiculed by medical institutions and pushed out of academic posts. Humanised hospice care and reshaped psychological support for the dying worldwide.
Syukuro Manabe 21 September 1931 Living Built early accurate climate models. Long periods of neglect and limited funding. Modern climate prediction and risk planning rest on this work.
Barry Marshall 30 September 1951 Living Proved ulcers were caused by bacteria. Career obstruction and ridicule. Transformed treatment of ulcers and gastric cancer prevention.
Elinor Ostrom 7 August 1933 12 June 2012 Proved communities can manage shared resources sustainably. Long academic rejection. Influenced environmental policy and conservation worldwide.
Charles Perrow 9 February 1925 29 March 2019 Showed disasters arise from system design. Corporate backlash and marginalisation. Shaped industrial and aviation safety regulation worldwide.
Amartya Sen 3 November 1933 Living Showed famines stem from inequality and policy failure. Political hostility and ideological resistance. Reformed food security and welfare policy across nations.
Ignaz Semmelweis 1 July 1818 13 August 1865 Proved handwashing prevented childbed fever. Ridiculed, institutionalised, died in neglect. Infection control underpins modern medicine globally.
Alan Turing 23 June 1912 7 June 1954 Helped break German wartime codes and laid foundations of computer science. Prosecuted for homosexuality, chemically castrated, died by suicide. Accelerated Allied victory and founded modern computing and artificial intelligence.
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